Statute and Programme of the Independence Party

Identity:
Manifesto of Liberation

“The Statute and Programme of the Independence Party of Kurdistan”

Design and Organisation:
Kurdnation Media Centre
🌐 www.kurdnation.com

Produced by:
Press Centre of the Independence Party of Kurdistan
✉️ kurdnational@gmail.com

Publication and Distribution:
Kurdnation – 2026

Programme and Statute of the Independence Party of Kurdistan

Manifesto of Liberation

Introduction

The Kurdish nation is one of the most ancient nations of the Middle East and, as far as history remembers, has lived in Kurdistan and continues to do so.

Despite the fact that its country, Kurdistan, has been occupied, the Kurdish nation has preserved its national character and traditions from disappearance until today.

Kurdistan has always been recognised as an important and prominent region of the Middle East.

There is no doubt that, in addition to Kurdistan’s underground and surface resources, its strategic location has caused surrounding occupying states and powerful states with interests in the region to cast greedy eyes upon it and to attempt to turn it into their own base and position.

The occupiers of Kurdistan—Persians, Turks and Arabs—drew their borders over the sacred land of Kurdistan, and Kurdistan remains under their siege to this day. Despite successive attacks by the surrounding states with the aim of occupying this important region, Kurdistan has, to varying degrees, resisted the occupiers and preserved itself from disappearance.

Kurdistan, like many other places, was occupied during the attacks of the Arab Muslim forces against other peoples and governments. After much killing and bloodshed, Islam was imposed by the sword upon a large part of the people of Kurdistan. As a result, the country lost its former borders and was incorporated into the Islamic Empire. This event was so important and influential that its effects remain visible and evident even today, after a thousand years.

The establishment of Islam in Kurdish society and the incorporation of Kurdistan into the great Arab Islamic Empire, on the one hand, did not completely eliminate all local authority from the great men and rulers of Kurdistan; to some limited extent, under the supervision of the Islamic caliph, they retained a kind of semi-independence. On the other hand, Islam transformed the social life, customs and morals of Kurdish society in such a way that it alienated it from itself and weakened the sense of patriotism and self-identity.

When, at the end of the eleventh century AD, the authority of the Muslim Turks of Asia Minor expanded and gradually displaced the Arab Islamic Empire, the path was slowly prepared for the establishment of the Ottoman Islamic Empire. By the middle of the fourteenth century, authority over a large part of the Muslim peoples fell into the hands of the Ottoman Turks.

With the establishment and consolidation of the Ottoman Empire, the struggle and conflict of power between the Safavids—the successors of the Seljuk Turks in the land of Persia, that is, the artificial Iran of today—and the Ottoman Turks began, as two major Islamic powers.

Each of these states, under the name of the caliphate of Muslims and with the aim of conquering the lands of Muslim peoples, launched attacks and campaigns against one another. A long and destructive war engulfed the entire region and the lands of Muslim peoples, and the Kurdish nation and Kurdistan were caught up in these devastating wars. According to circumstances and religious views, and in order to take advantage of the rivalry between these two great powers and to liberate themselves, Kurds at times fought alongside the Safavid authority, and very often alongside the Ottoman Turkish authority against the Safavids.

Eventually, the war and conflict between the Ottomans and the Safavids subsided, and gradually the path of negotiation opened between them, until in 1514 AD they reached an agreement and signed the “Chaldiran” pact.

One of the aims of the Chaldiran pact between the Ottomans and the Safavids was to divide Kurdistan between themselves. In reality, the main objective of the Chaldiran pact was the division of our country. From that time onward, Kurdistan was practically divided for the first time, and the Kurdish nation fell under the yoke of slavery and subordination to the Safavids and Ottomans.

From the time when colonialism emerged, divided the world internally, and was later replaced by imperialism—and until today, when powerful global states possess domination—from that time onward, Kurdistan became part of the market and field of colonialism and of the great powers that inherited it. From that era onward, the Kurdish nation in general, and the toilers of Kurdistan in particular—who constitute the majority of the Kurdish nation—were placed under national oppression.

At the same time as Kurdistan was divided between the Ottomans and the Safavids, the liberation struggle of the Kurdish nation began.

The liberation struggle of the Kurdish nation, which has always risen for final liberation and independence, initially had its own characteristics. It arose from the backward Kurdish society of its time and did not possess such political organisation and structure as could become the foundation for a united, all-sided revolution, organise the masses thirsty for the liberation of the Kurdish nation, possess its own strategy and tactics of national struggle, lead the movement toward victory, and protect it from mistakes and deception. Every time, despite the self-sacrifice and boundless devotion of the people of Kurdistan, the liberation movements were defeated by the occupiers of Kurdistan and drowned in soil and blood.

It is worth mentioning that in all these risings and falls, the feeling of national liberation never collapsed; whenever an opportunity and possibility arose, the national liberation movement re-emerged and began again.

In the modern era, the liberation struggle of the Kurdish nation has undergone changes. Alongside the social transformations of the peoples of the region in general, the struggle in Kurdistan also took on a new form and framework and freed itself from its old past forms. This change was particularly visible during the last century. During this period, Kurdish political organisations and formations emerged in the different parts of Kurdistan, and the leadership of the national liberation movement—which previously had been in the hands of tribal leaders and men of power in Kurdistan—was no longer theirs. Political organisations assumed the leadership and administration of the struggle of the Kurdish nation.

The oppressed Kurdish nation, which has struggled for its freedom and liberation no less than any other nation, and which in this path has suffered no less material and human loss than any other people or nation in the world, nevertheless, despite decades of the national liberation process moving along its path, Kurdistan still remains enslaved and under domination and has not attained its human and national rights.

Only after the Second World War did the modern history of the Kurdish national liberation movement, and that only for a short time, find such conditions in Kurdistan under Iranian occupation—that is, Eastern Kurdistan—that it could declare independence and authority over part of its homeland in the form of an Independent State of Kurdistan under the leadership of Peshawa Qazi Muhammad. Unfortunately, the life of the Republic of Kurdistan was very short and lasted no more than eleven months. The political circumstances that had been an important cause for the raising of the flag of the Republic of Kurdistan—namely the presence of Soviet military forces in the region and the Soviet Union’s political support for the formation of a Kurdish state according to its own interests—changed and shifted. On the one hand, the Soviet Union withdrew from its promises and support for the newly established state of the Republic of Kurdistan, and, through an agreement with the Iranian state in the hope of obtaining oil concessions in Iran, evaded its commitments. On the other hand, the opposition of the United States and Britain to the formation of a Kurdish state caused the Republic of Kurdistan to be destroyed, and the long-standing aspiration of the Kurdish nation, which had just begun to come true and be realised, once again failed to materialise.

The reason why the Kurdish liberation movement, despite a persistent struggle, has always been defeated is connected to many various causes and factors. Here, we only point to two factors that are the most important and most evident.

One of these factors is connected to the international geopolitical situation and the geographical position of Kurdistan, meaning that Kurdistan is a divided country, and from the beginning, the powerful states with interests in the region—especially Britain and France—were the architects of the division of Kurdistan. Likewise, later, throughout the entire process of reshaping and reorganising the countries and nations of the region, those same powers—especially British authority—were influential and leading actors in the division of our country and nation among Iran, Iraq, Turkey and Syria.

In such circumstances, in which our country was divided into four parts and a major and significant part of the borders of four powerful states in the region were created at the expense of our country and nation, the dividers of Kurdistan, together with the occupiers, have confronted our enslaved and subjugated people—who at the same time demand rights and liberation—with every form and instrument of repression, from deception and trickery to axes and sickles, and up to chemical bombardment. Therefore, the process and course of our national liberation has not been freed from knots and complications.

The other important factor in this connection relates to the Kurdish political organisations that emerged during the years after the Republic of Kurdistan and participated in the field of struggle. The role and impact of these political organisations until today—in their views, in determining and bringing forward strategic slogans and daily and tactical slogans for the uprisings of the Kurdish nation, in their solutions for the issues and for liberation and reaching the aim of the Kurdish nation, as well as in disputes and divisions reaching the level of fratricidal war—have further complicated and entangled the issues. In terms of preventing us from approaching our goal, this has been no less important than the previous major factor.

In reality, the liberation struggle of the Kurdish nation in the present era, compared with previous revolutions, although in many respects and according to the transformation of Kurdish society has taken steps somewhat in favour of progress, has moved backward in terms of formulating national slogans and objectives—namely final liberation and the independence of Kurdistan.

This retreat is very clearly visible in the slogans of our present national struggle. That is, many of the political organisations of this era, which hold leadership of the movement, have abandoned the slogan of final liberation and independence, and instead have popularised the slogans of autonomy or self-rule—now replaced by federalism and democratic confederalism—in the liberation movement of the Kurdish people. The invention of the slogans of autonomy, federalism and democratic confederalism, and the work to establish those slogans by the political forces of the modern era, has been an invention that has distanced the Kurdish nation from its main objective, which is the independence of Kurdistan. This invention has not only failed to become an alternative solution to the Kurdish issue for reaching national aims, but in many respects it has itself become a knot and one of the causes of our nation remaining divided and subjugated in its own country. This invention has also darkened and further complicated the horizon of the Kurdish question at the international level.

As a result of the continuation of this occupation and subjugation, economic growth and social progress in Kurdistan have been disrupted and blocked, and the wealth and resources above and below the ground have been plundered by the occupiers. Efforts have been made to assimilate and genocide our nation through systematic, direct attacks on the foundations of nationality, such as language, culture, history, geography and the distortion of Kurdistan’s demography. Water resources, which today are among the most important and valuable resources in the world and have direct influence on relations, are being plundered, and the courses of Kurdistan’s rivers and springs are being redirected outside Kurdistan. Farmers, the agricultural sector, and Kurdistan in general are deprived of them. Kurdistan’s environment is being damaged, and our country is being turned into a dumping ground for the atomic waste of great powers, which will have long-term effects and impacts on the environment and the people of Kurdistan and will result in dozens of deadly and incurable diseases.

Therefore, from this perspective:

Kurdistan is an occupied and colonial country divided among Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria.

The final liberation struggle of the Kurdish nation for independence is a legitimate and human struggle and effort, and at the same time it is the only path of struggle.

The growth and development of the backward society of the Kurdish nation is connected only to liberation, national reunification, and economic and social progress in an independent Kurdistan.

The struggle in Kurdistan is a struggle for final liberation, and the main contradiction is the contradiction between the Kurdish nation in occupied Kurdistan and the occupiers of Kurdistan.

The Kurdish issue and question cannot be solved through the democratic movements within the occupying countries of Kurdistan; it is connected to uprooting the occupiers from Kurdistan and eliminating the traces of occupation and backwardness.

The liberation struggle of the Kurdish nation is a human, freedom-seeking, democratic and progressive struggle. It is an egalitarian struggle against backwardness, reaction and the exploitation of human beings by human beings.

The liberation struggle of the Kurdish nation supports equal and reciprocal rights among nations, believes in friendship and mutual respect, and strives for world peace free from bullying and domination. At the same time, it is far from opportunism and is responsible toward its nation.

National unity and insistence on final liberation, democracy in all national, social and individual spheres, and so on, are factors that lead oppressed and occupied nations toward development and maturity in order to obtain their rights, and they guarantee their success at all stages of struggle.

The present era is the era of liberation and independence for the peoples of the world; it is the era of the end of the rule of occupiers.

Because of the necessity of self-defence, preventing the national assimilation of our nation, evaluating and criticising the present and past of our national struggle, with firm belief in victory and reaching the stage of final liberation of the Kurdish nation, and with the aim of fulfilling the national duty of the Kurdish nation in this era and achieving political dignity for Kurdistan, the Independence Party of Kurdistan has entered the arena of struggle.

Kurdistan is a country that, according to the map of powerful states with interests in the region, was occupied and divided for the second time after the First World War. This occupation and division are visible in military, political, economic and cultural forms and continue until today through the occupying regimes of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. The result of this occupation has made Kurdistan, throughout this long period, a blazing volcano of the revolutionary liberation struggle of the Kurdish nation. For this reason, achieving the struggle in this part of the Middle East through an appropriate mechanism is more favourable than anywhere else.

As a result of the occupation of Kurdistan, the normal economic and social development of Kurdish society has been distorted, and Kurdistan has become a market for selling the goods and industrial products of the occupying nations. The normal and free development and progress of Kurdistan’s economy and society can be secured only and only in the shadow of the liberation and independence of Kurdistan.

The Kurdish liberation movement and the main contradiction in Kurdistan cannot be solved through the democratic movements inside the occupying states, and its aims cannot be realised. Efforts to organise the masses of Kurdistan and solve the main contradiction through any kind of nationwide organisation at the level of the occupying countries of Kurdistan means detaching a part of the Kurdish liberation movement and tying that part of Kurdistan to an external phenomenon. Accordingly, any solution of this type is secondary and incomplete; the final solution can only be achieved from the soil of Kurdistan itself.

The Kurdish liberation movement is the legitimate movement of an occupied nation of seventy million people and strives for the liberation and national dignity of its nation. In the final assessment, it has a democratic and revolutionary character and stands against every form of occupation and exploitation. At the global level, it considers itself a friend of every liberation-seeking and progressive force and, in this field, must fully preserve its independence. Any relationship or friendship must be based on mutual respect and belief in the liberation aims of the Kurdish movement, which is the independence of Kurdistan; such friendship must be open and clear. Any kind of friendship and relationship with the occupiers of Kurdistan for narrow party interests is ultimately harmful to the Kurdish movement. From our point of view, such relationships are not permitted.

The main contradiction in Kurdistan is the contradiction that has become the driving force and dynamo of the political and social struggle of the people of Kurdistan. This contradiction is between the people of Kurdistan and the occupiers. It is the national struggle of the Kurds against the policy of occupation, social backwardness, national assimilation, and for the elimination of the traces of occupation and backwardness in Kurdistan. The solution to this contradiction in Kurdistan is through uprooting the occupiers of Kurdistan and securing political dignity for Kurdistan and the Kurdish nation. For this purpose, the masses of Kurdistan must organise themselves within the independence-seeking organisation of Kurdistan and, resolutely and relying on the inexhaustible power of their nation, while observing every necessary tactic, struggle to seize political power in Kurdistan.

Strategic Objectives of the Independence Party of Kurdistan

Liberation of Kurdistan

The Independence Party of Kurdistan, as a liberation-seeking and democratic organisation founded as the result of a real historical necessity in the struggle of Kurdistan, and through an objective and concrete analysis of the reality of Kurdistan, struggles politically, economically and militarily to obtain the right of self-determination for the Kurdish nation and to establish an independent state of Kurdistan in order to secure the national authority of the Kurdish nation.

Rule of the People

The Independence Party of Kurdistan strives to establish the rule of the people in liberated Kurdistan through:

Referendum
Universal and equal suffrage
Free elections
Establishment of a parliamentary system
Public voting as guidance for parliament on special issues in the country
Formation of the Republic of Kurdistan

General Principles of the Programme of the Independence Party of Kurdistan

Domestic Policy

The party’s proposed programme for the people of Kurdistan in the field of domestic policy consists of democracy and pluralism. Therefore, the party struggles to establish and consolidate democracy as the cornerstone of its vision and outlook. The aim is for every member of society to have a human and meaningful life, freely and away from the influence of any power outside their own control. A democracy in which human beings participate freely and equally and determine the destiny of society. For this reason, the party considers political pluralism an important foundation of the democratic structure of the people.

The Independence Party of Kurdistan is against gender or sex becoming a basis for social life or for determining the rights and duties of human beings. Therefore, the party fully believes in equality between women and men in all areas of life and struggles to secure equal rights for women and men politically, economically and socially.

The Independence Party of Kurdistan considers the rule of law the foundation and pillar of justice and equality in society and defends the equality of all members of society before the law. It also considers the creation of economic conditions for all members of society, in order to defend this right, to be a duty of society. The party recognises this right for all members of society, regardless of religion or opinion.

While the party defends freedom of religion and belief, it considers religion and government to be two separate phenomena. It is a secular party and therefore strives for secular and civil authority.

Every Kurd in Kurdistan is free to choose their work and place of residence.

The mechanism of democracy must consist of various organisations, associations and unions of different kinds to defend the rights of different social groups and classes. This pluralism itself becomes a support and guarantee for the success and existence of democracy and parliamentarism and for their consolidation.

The Independence Party of Kurdistan fully believes in freedom of thought, expression, writing, publication and the press, and considers it a natural right of the people.

The Independence Party of Kurdistan, now and in the future, considers the organisation of the Kurdistan Peshmerga force within a national army to be in the general interest of the people of Kurdistan and believes that a united Peshmerga force will strengthen the legitimate Kurdish cause inside and outside Kurdistan.

From the perspective of the Independence Party of Kurdistan, the death penalty for criminals in all its forms is wrong and cannot be a solution for eliminating or reducing crimes.

Economic Policy

In the view of the Independence Party of Kurdistan, the general needs and interests of society must be decisive in determining how the country’s economy is organised. For this reason, we reject every form of minority domination in the economic sphere and support the participation of the inhabitants of Kurdistan in management, decision-making and innovation in the economic field. Every kind of economic decision must be the product of the active participation of all the people in a democratic atmosphere. The party considers using all forms and methods of economic organisation to be in the interest of the country’s progress. An economic structure consisting of the public sector, the private sector and the cooperative sector creates the opportunity to use all the economic capacities of the country in the three fields of industry, agriculture, services and tourism.

The Independence Party of Kurdistan struggles for the economic demands of the workers and toilers of Kurdistan in order to reduce differences in income and wealth.

The Independence Party of Kurdistan supports the right to provide housing for the people, general and comprehensive healthcare, the opening of educational centres, schools and universities, and the creation of public services throughout Kurdistan for the inhabitants of Kurdistan, and demands their implementation by the authority of Kurdistan. In each of these fields, it welcomes innovation and initiative by the private sector and cooperative sector.

The Independence Party of Kurdistan struggles for the revival of Kurdistan’s economy, the development of industry, the expansion and mechanisation of agriculture, and the raising of the living standards of the masses.

In every economic and industrial project, the clean and safe aspect of that industry must be taken into account from the perspective of the environment and the living sphere. Clean air and soil free of poison and pollution are important foundations for the life of the people in a prosperous Kurdistan. Therefore, the duty of protecting a healthy environment must rest upon the authority of Kurdistan and must be given special importance; every individual of this Kurdistan, at their own level, must consider themselves responsible in this field and cooperate with the authority in protecting Kurdistan’s environment.

The Independence Party of Kurdistan does not separate political democracy from economic democracy. This means that just as it stands with all its power against political dictatorship and the misuse of political power, it also stands against the misuse of economic power and corruption in all economic sectors. The aim of this policy of the party is that everyone be able to participate in production, planning and management of society’s affairs in the economic field.

The Independence Party of Kurdistan regards work as a foundation and factor for the health of society. In this connection, it is the clear and evident right of every person, according to their skill, expertise and ability, to seek dignified work, and it is the duty of the authority to create this opportunity.

Cultural Policy

The Independence Party of Kurdistan believes that the state of Kurdistan, which in reality must be the state of the people, must fulfil the following duties:

Providing free and public education throughout Kurdistan for all members of society and at all levels of education.

The party believes that reading and writing for non-Kurdish compatriots in Kurdistan should be free in their own language, alongside the official language, which is Kurdish, and the government must prepare the necessary materials and provide suitable conditions for them.

The party believes that education up to the twelfth grade should be compulsory and free.

Sports and various training places should be established for young people in particular and citizens in general. Necessary steps should be taken to develop and train athletes to participate in domestic and international competitions.

The Independence Party of Kurdistan struggles to provide:

Work for everyone, the right to change jobs, and the implementation of orderly programmes and projects to provide job opportunities for the unemployed; the right to four weeks of annual leave with full pay.

The establishment of a 37-hour working week will be one of our aims of struggle in the economic field.

The right to retirement for everyone, so that it becomes a source of security and self-sufficiency for members of society.

The prohibition of child labour.

Water, forests, oil and gas, gold and silver and all minerals, and every historical site are the national wealth and property of the Kurdish nation and must be protected. Interference with and plundering of this wealth and property are condemned by the party and will be pursued through legal channels.

Foreign Policy / International Policy

From the perspective of the Independence Party of Kurdistan, the foundation of the country’s international policy consists of strengthening the independence of the country and protecting the right of independence in decision-making regarding our own destiny. Therefore, it considers a policy of neutrality in global and inter-state relations to be appropriate for the Kurdish nation, and we support this path and outlook.

We also support constructive cooperation among nations and accept the general resolutions of the United Nations.

Based on these principles, the Independence Party of Kurdistan considers attracting the broadest and greatest support for the struggle of the Kurdish nation for final liberation to be its programme in the field of international policy.

At the international level, it also supports peaceful coexistence among nations and friendly relations between them on the basis of mutual respect, and proposes such a path to the future state of Kurdistan.

Programme and Statute of the Independence Party of Kurdistan

Some National Principles of the Independence Party of Kurdistan

The Independence Party of Kurdistan defines independence for the Kurdish people as a natural right and considers all forms and dimensions of struggle for this purpose to be its political, historical and national duty. For this purpose, the first option of the Independence Party of Kurdistan is to strive, through demands addressed to the United Nations and international organisations, to place pressure on the occupying Iranian regime so that it respects the rights of our people to determine their national destiny; that is, for the Kurdish people, in all fields, through their free will on their own land, to administer their own land and country.

This is a legitimate demand and an undeniable necessity for the survival of our people and country. However, if the ruling regime, despite the demands of international bodies, does not accept this peacefully and continues the policy of repression and denial through occupation, then the Independence Party of Kurdistan will make use of all kinds of activities and forms of struggle. For example, it considers the use of armed struggle to be its legitimate right.

The Independence Party of Kurdistan, while respecting the right to self-determination and the international principles of human rights adopted by the United Nations and international organisations, at the same time, according to international laws, considers it its right to work for the creation and establishment of a provisional government of Eastern Kurdistan in exile and diaspora.

The Kurdish Nation

1. The Kurdish people are one nation; their country is Kurdistan, and without their own will they have been divided among different states that have occupied the land of Kurdistan. The geography of Kurdistan accepted by the Independence Party of Kurdistan is the geography referred to in Sharafnama by Bitlisi.
2. The Kurdish nation, like the Persian, Arab, Turkish and other peoples, is a principal nation of the Middle East.
3. The Independence Party of Kurdistan does not accept the domination, oppression and occupation of the Kurdish nation by the Persian nation or by other nations.
4. The Independence Party of Kurdistan makes no distinction among the Kurdish nation in the different parts of Kurdistan. However, because of the special conditions and present circumstances, it places the priority and weight of its struggle on Eastern Kurdistan.
5. The Independence Party of Kurdistan recognises all religious, sectarian, dialectal and folkloric cultural differences of the Kurdish people as a national, civilisational and historical heritage, respects them and protects them. Likewise, while accepting and respecting all national symbols of the Kurdish nation—such as the sovereignty of the land, geography, and the flag of Kurdistan, the three-coloured flag with the sun symbol, which is accepted by the Independence Party of Kurdistan until the Parliament of Eastern Kurdistan makes a final decision on it—the national anthem “Ey Reqîb,” and the blood of the martyrs and those who sacrificed their lives on the path of Kurdistan’s freedom in all four parts of Kurdistan, and so on, it defines disrespect toward these symbols as crossing the national red line.

Kurdistan

1. The Independence Party of Kurdistan sees the entire geography of Kurdistan as the country of the Kurdish nation, does not consider its oppression and division legitimate, and defines it as a major threat to the national survival of the Kurds.
2. The Independence Party of Kurdistan considers the freedom and unity of Kurdistan to be a national, political and historical duty on its shoulders.
3. The Independence Party of Kurdistan, in a scientific and academic manner, using the capacities of experts in various fields such as history and historical remains, language and culture, religion and customs and traditions, geography and the land of Kurdistan, underground and surface resources, and generally the environment of Kurdistan and all its components, works to collect documented data and information in these fields.
4. The Independence Party of Kurdistan respects all ethnic minorities in Kurdistan. At the same time, it views women and men as equal Kurdish human beings. It also believes that the occupying system has acted in such a way that Kurdish women have had their rights violated and have been oppressed once as Kurds and once as women. Therefore, we, as the Independence Party of Kurdistan, while respecting women, regard all their rights as legitimate and work to eliminate every kind of gender, class and national oppression. It also respects their linguistic, cultural and religious characteristics and all classes and sectors of Kurdistan’s society, and rejects every form of regionalism and discrimination between the cities and regions of Kurdistan.

Liberation of Kurdistan

1. The liberation of the people of Kurdistan is the highest and holiest national value and the highest political, social, economic and moral interest.
2. National freedom and liberation will be guaranteed through political unity.
3. No political, organisational, individual or private interest must obstruct the unity of the political forces of Kurdistan against those regimes that deny the rights of the Kurdish people.

National Interest

1. The interest of the Kurdish people is the source of legitimacy for all political, diplomatic and economic interests.
2. Individual and party interests may be sacrificed for national interests, but not the other way around.

Public Will

1. Public will creates authority and continues the legitimacy and lawfulness of authority.
2. Leaders, before anyone else, must respect the public will and must work so that others also respect the public and national will.

Authority

The Independence Party of Kurdistan believes that:

1. Authority and responsibility are a trust and a duty, not private property. They must be given to those who can serve the general interest of the Kurdish people in the best way, achieve positive results, and work for everyone without tribal, family, religious or gender discrimination.
2. Every leader and official must use authority for general progress at the political, material, moral, economic and scientific levels, not for organisational, individual, family, tribal, religious, regional or dialectal interests.

Leaders and officials must peacefully leave power and responsibility in order to respect the public will and the law, so that others, while gaining experience in governance, can demonstrate their competence.

Political Unity and Harmony

1. The Independence Party of Kurdistan protects Kurdish internal unity and solidarity in every way.
2. The Independence Party of Kurdistan makes dialogue, forgiveness and respect for unity the foundation for resolving every internal problem.
3. The Independence Party of Kurdistan rejects internal war and violence among political forces and regards them as a major threat to the unity of the Kurdish people and national survival.
4. The Independence Party of Kurdistan, while preparing a national and patriotic charter, considers any Kurdish war against Kurds to be a red line. It regards the initiator of such a war as guilty, and such a war is placed in the category of serving the enemies of the Kurds and causing the destruction of Kurdish internal unity.
5. The Independence Party of Kurdistan strives to form and create a joint national and patriotic force composed of the Peshmerga forces of all political forces and sides of Eastern Kurdistan, operating under the name of the Kurdistan National Force or Army. This force must consist of the Peshmerga forces of all sides, and whenever necessary, if a war against the enemies of the Kurds arises in other parts of Kurdistan, it must participate actively and militarily.
6. The Independence Party of Kurdistan is ready, in order to respect the Kurdish people and guarantee the highest national interests, to make every necessary alliance at the political, diplomatic and military levels with other Kurdish and Kurdistani parties and forces.
7. The Independence Party of Kurdistan, on the basis of national interest, will form alliances with other oppressed nations whose lands are occupied by Iran.

Political System for an Independent Kurdistan

1. The Independence Party of Kurdistan is committed to modern democratic methods and principles and applies them in political and administrative life in Kurdistan.
2. It respects public freedoms and different political and religious views and protects the right to express them.
3. The Independence Party of Kurdistan believes that the political system for Kurdistan should be secular and democratic, and does not want state and religion to operate together. However, within the framework of a secular system, it holds special respect for the different progressive religious beliefs of Kurdistan’s society, provided they do not become an obstacle to the will for independence.
4. The Independence Party of Kurdistan does not want political forces, civil society organisations and political personalities to turn Kurdistan’s interest into a tool for their own private interests. Likewise, it does not want leaders and religious institutions to turn politics into a tool for private religious interests, or the opposite.

Relations with the Peoples of the Middle East

1. The Independence Party of Kurdistan is not opposed to any person or side except the enemies of the Kurds. At the same time, it calls on other nations such as the Ahwazi Arabs, Azerbaijani Turks, Baloch, Caspians and other national minorities, on the basis of common interest, a common enemy and future neighbourliness, to work, struggle and act together within the framework of an alliance made up of all nations whose lands are occupied.
2. The Independence Party of Kurdistan asks the peoples named above to officially recognise the natural and legitimate right of the Kurdish nation and to respect the national will of the Kurdish people, national unity, history and civilisation.

Some of the Objectives of the Independence Party of Kurdistan

1. Strengthening the struggle and resistance of the Kurdish people in Eastern Kurdistan at the political, diplomatic and other levels.
2. Developing the idea of independence for the Kurdish people and establishing and building centres for the development of independence-seeking thought in all regions of Kurdistan.
3. Building a new, common and successful strategy within the framework of the above principles in order to liberate the people of Kurdistan and reach independence.
4. Striving to bring together all independence-seeking forces of Kurdistan.
5. The initial objective of the Independence Party of Kurdistan is to liberate Eastern Kurdistan. However, its final and future objective is to unite the Kurdish people, Kurdish national unity and the geography of Kurdistan, and to establish an independent, secular, federal and democratic Kurdistan.
6. The Independence Party of Kurdistan strives for the cause of independence of the Kurdish people to be defined fairly at the international level and, ultimately, to gain political and diplomatic support and benefit from every necessary form of support.

Internal Statute of the Independence Party of Kurdistan

Preface

The Independence Party of Kurdistan is a pioneering political organisation of the United Democratic Front of Kurdistan.

The United Democratic Front of Kurdistan was founded in 1988 through the efforts of a group of Kurdish strugglers inside and outside the country, under the call: “The Kurds are one nation and Kurdistan is one country.”

After two years of struggle and effort, on 19 April 1990, corresponding to 30 Khakelêwe 2690 in the Kurdish calendar, at its first congress, the United Democratic Front of Kurdistan changed its name to the Independence Party of Kurdistan.

The Independence Party of Kurdistan has continued its rightful struggle and effort on the same foundation: “The Kurds are one nation and Kurdistan is one country.”

All those who fully believe in the final liberation and independence of Kurdistan may join the ranks of the Independence Party of Kurdistan and struggle for a free and independent Kurdistan.

In December 2025, after several meetings and mutual understandings aimed at strengthening the independence-seeking current, the two sides—the Kurdistan Independence Movement and the Independence Party of Kurdistan—unanimously decided, through the votes of their members, to unite the ranks of their struggle and continue their struggle and activities under the name of the Independence Party of Kurdistan. In this way, the history of the Kurdistan Independence Movement, which was founded on 16 Befranbar 2719 in the Kurdish calendar, “5 January 2019 AD,” became part of the uninterrupted history of the Independence Party of Kurdistan.

Policy of the Independence Party of Kurdistan

The thought, views and policy of the Independence Party of Kurdistan regarding Kurdistan from political, social, economic, legal and organisational perspectives have been approved and published under the name Manifesto of Liberation.

The general and prominent principles of the Independence Party of Kurdistan are:

1. Kurdistan is an occupied and colonial country, divided among Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria.
2. The growth and development of the backward Kurdish society and Kurdistan is connected to the liberation and existence of an independent Kurdistan and the establishment of the independent state of Kurdistan.

The struggle in Kurdistan is a struggle for final liberation, and the main contradiction is the contradiction between the subjugated Kurdish nation and the occupiers of Kurdistan.

3. The Kurdish national issue and question cannot be solved through the democratic movement inside the occupying countries of Kurdistan, and until now this has been a bitter and unsuccessful experience.
4. The solution to the main contradiction is possible through the removal of occupying authority and the achievement of political dignity for the Kurdish nation and Kurdistan.

Note: For more information on the thought, views and policy of the Independence Party of Kurdistan in relation to the outside world and the manner of administering the independent country of Kurdistan, refer to the Manifesto of Liberation of the Independence Party of Kurdistan.

The Independence Party of Kurdistan believes in the national flag of Kurdistan, consisting of three colours: red, white and green, with a yellow sun in the centre.

The emblem and logo of the Independence Party of Kurdistan consists of the three colours red, white and green at the top, with a sun in the centre placed behind the map of Kurdistan, and beneath it the year 1988, the year of the party’s foundation, and the name of the Independence Party of Kurdistan.

This internal statute defines the framework of the rights and duties of official party members, the principles of internal organisation, the method of management and administration of the centre and organs of the party, and generally the organisational identity of the Independence Party of Kurdistan.

Part One — Main and Fundamental Principles

Article 1 — Definition

1. The official name of the party is “Independence Party of Kurdistan,” in English:

Independence Party of Kurdistan

Its abbreviation is PSK.

2. The Independence Party of Kurdistan is a national, political, secular, democratic and broad-based party that struggles to secure independence for Kurdistan and unity for the Kurdish nation.
3. The Independence Party of Kurdistan is founded on the basis of democracy, and intellectual pluralism is free within the party.

Article 2 — Duties and Values

1. The Independence Party of Kurdistan defends the right of self-determination of the Kurdish nation and strives for the establishment of an independent state of Kurdistan.
2. The Independence Party of Kurdistan believes in democracy, secularism, social justice and human rights.
3. The Independence Party of Kurdistan struggles against occupation and the occupiers of Kurdistan and protects the national identity of the Kurdish nation.
4. The Independence Party of Kurdistan seeks to establish political relations with independence-seeking organisations of those nations whose lands and homelands have been occupied by the occupying state of Iran, and supports their independence-seeking struggle as the legitimate right of every nation.
5. The Independence Party of Kurdistan respects religious, cultural, dialectal and ethnic diversity.
6. The Independence Party of Kurdistan considers cooperation and alliance with all national and Kurdistani forces necessary.

Article 3 — Strategic Principles of the Party

1. The Independence Party of Kurdistan seeks diplomatic relations and lobbying in international arenas in order to reach the independence of Kurdistan.
2. The Independence Party of Kurdistan makes use of the legitimate right to defend the Kurdish nation and to struggle against occupation.
3. The Independence Party of Kurdistan seeks to establish a provisional government in exile according to the necessities of the circumstances.
4. The Independence Party of Kurdistan considers the organisation of the Peshmerga forces of all Kurdistani sides into a strong, firm and united defence force within a national army to be an important national necessity and strives for it.
5. The Independence Party of Kurdistan seeks to eliminate division and secure unity and solidarity among Kurdish and Kurdistani forces.

Part Two — Membership

Article 4 — Conditions of Membership

1. Every Kurd who is committed to the aims and principles of the Independence Party of Kurdistan may become an official member of the party.
2. An official member must not be younger than eighteen years of age.

Note: Young people under the age of 18 may become members and be active in the youth organisation.

3. A member must possess a patriotic spirit and a sense of Kurdish nationalism, “Kurdism.”
4. A member of the Independence Party of Kurdistan may not be a member of any other Kurdish political party.

Article 5 — Membership Process

1. A party member must complete the membership form and sign the membership pledge.
2. A member must have fulfilled the duties of learning and testing in the organisational centre for at least two months before becoming a member.

Article 6 — Levels of Membership

1. Official and ordinary member
2. Member of the centres
3. Member of the Central Committee, elected at the congress
4. Member of the Political Bureau, elected by the Central Committee

Article 7 — Duties of Members

1. Commitment to the principles and values of the party
2. Effort to achieve the aims of the party
3. Observance of organisational discipline and rules
4. Active and effective participation in official and public meetings
5. Protection of party secrets and internal information
6. Effort to develop national awareness and political knowledge
7. Strengthening relations with society and attracting new members and supporters
8. Supporting and defending the decisions of the party and its leadership
9. Respecting other members and preserving a spirit of harmony; party members are like members of one family
10. Paying the monthly membership subscription determined by the financial centre, which must be paid to the finance department

Article 8 — Rights of Members

1. The right to vote, elect and stand as a candidate in the organs of the party
2. The right to criticise, propose, ask questions and follow up on criticisms and proposals
3. Active participation in decision-making through the relevant organs
4. Receiving clear answers from officials
5. Participation in meetings and activities
6. Benefiting from political and organisational training

Article 9 — Organisational Discipline

1. In cases of violation of party principles:

• Verbal warning
• Written warning for a specified period
• Temporary suspension
• Withdrawal of membership rights

2. A member has the right to appeal the decision of the disciplinary committee and request a review of its decisions.

Article 10 — Official Membership Application Process and Membership Form

1. The official membership process in the party is carried out by completing the official “Membership Application” form.

Part Three — Organisational Structure of the Party

Article 11 — General Principles

1. The leadership and all centres within the Independence Party of Kurdistan are elected from the bottom upward.
2. The centres must submit monthly reports to their superiors, and through the Political Bureau and the Secretary, the Central Committee must be informed of how duties are being implemented.
3. Unity and discipline within the party are a fundamental duty and must be observed at all levels.
4. All party activities must be based on a coordinated, programmed and planned system.
5. All centres must have written and firm programmes and internal regulations specific to themselves.

Article 12 — Organisational Structure of the Party

1. Congress

The congress is the highest decision-making organ of the party and is held once every three years with the participation of members of the Central Committee, deputies and elected representatives of the centres.

2. Extraordinary Congress
3. Whenever one-third of party members or two-thirds of Central Committee members consider it necessary for any reason, an extraordinary congress will be held.

The extraordinary congress examines and decides only on those matters that caused the congress to be convened.

Organisational Hierarchy

Leader
Secretary
Spokesperson
Central Committee
Political Bureau
Centres

Article 13 — Duties of the General Congress

1. Determining the general policy and strategy of the party
2. Reviewing, amending and approving the statute and programme
3. Reviewing and evaluating the party’s past struggle and efforts
4. Electing the Central Committee

Article 14 — Duties of the Central Committee

1. Implementing the policies and recommendations of the party congress
2. Securing the finances and economy of the party, managing and supervising income and expenditures
3. Supervising the work and activities of all organs and centres
4. Being accountable for the decisions of the congress
5. Since it elects the Political Bureau and the Secretary, it has the authority, when necessary, to change the powers of the Secretary and the Political Bureau

Article 15 — Holding the General Conference of the Party

1. The General Conference is convened by decision of the Central Committee or the Political Bureau for very important issues that do not require an extraordinary congress.
2. All centres have the right to hold their own special conference.

Article 16 — Powers of the Political Bureau

1. Managing the daily affairs of the party
2. Coordinating between the party centres
3. Implementing the decisions of the Central Committee and making and implementing decisions at the necessary and appropriate time

Article 17 — General Secretary

1. Calls the Central Committee and Political Bureau to meetings and manages the meetings
2. Signs protocols in light of the party’s decisions
3. Represents the face of the party internally and externally and is responsible for execution and the Political Bureau
4. Represents the party in all internal, national and international fields
5. Presents reports on the party’s work and activities to the congress and the Central Committee
6. Is accountable for the manner in which the affairs of all party organs are conducted

Article 18 — Leader

The leader is a moral/spiritual leader who protects the party’s path and guides the organs of the party to follow the programme and constitution. The leader is responsible for resolving the party’s internal problems and works to create a favourable internal atmosphere in which no one feels alienated. At the same time, the leader participates in the meetings of the leadership and the Political Bureau.

Article 19 — Party Spokesperson

1. The spokesperson is the official spokesperson of the party to the outside.
2. The spokesperson announces and communicates the party’s positions on internal and international matters through the media.

Article 20 — Strategic Research Board

1. To conduct research on the political situation of the region and the world.
2. To propose recommendations for shaping the party’s policies.

Article 21 — Centres of Work and Activity of the Party

1. Organisational Centre
2. Public Relations Centre
3. Media and Communications Centre
4. Financial and Fiscal Centre

Part Four — Economic and Financial Transparency and Management of Income and Resources

Article 22 — The Party’s Financial Sources Are:

1. Monthly membership subscriptions
2. Voluntary assistance
3. Income from projects and economic activities
4. Financial support from institutions, individuals and sides aligned with the party’s principles
5. Income within the framework of international laws and compatible with the party’s principles

Article 23 — Financial Transparency

1. The Financial Centre presents an annual financial report to the Political Bureau, and through the General Secretary, presents it to the Central Committee and also to the congress.
2. The Political Bureau must be informed of any significant financial assistance.

Part Five — Ethical Charter

Article 24 — Ethical Rules and Law for Members

1. Respecting human dignity and respecting religious, cultural and gender diversity, as well as defending the rights of women and gender minorities
2. Avoiding harsh language and disrespect, and keeping away from every form of discrimination, violence and division
3. Commitment to democratic principles in organisational behaviour
4. Preserving organisational unity and solidarity

Part Six — Review and Amendment

Article 25 — Review of the Statute and Programme

1. Amendments to the party’s internal statute and political programme are made only at the general congress and by majority vote of the participants.
2. Proposals for amendments to the party’s internal statute or political programme must be announced to the Central Committee or the congress preparation board at least one month before the general congress is held.